Standard Cantonese is a variant, and is generally considered the prestige dialect of Cantonese Chinese. It is spoken natively in and around the cities of Guangzhou, Hong Kong, and Macau in Southern . Standard Cantonese is the de facto official Chinese spoken language of Hong Kong and Macau, and the lingua franca of Guangdong province and some neighbouring areas. It is also spoken by many overseas Chinese of Guangdong, Hong Kong or Macau origin in Singapore, Malaysia, Canada, United States, Australia, Europe
and elsewhere. Historically, Cantonese was the most common form of
Chinese spoken by overseas Chinese communities in the Western world,
although that situation has changed with the increasing importance of
Mandarin in the Chinese-speaking world as well as immigration to the
West from other countries as well as other parts of China.
In popular speech, Standard Cantonese is often known simply as Cantonese, though in academic linguistics the name can also refer to the broader category to which it belongs, Cantonese language (Traditional Chinese: 粵語; Simplified Chinese: 粤语; Pinyin: Yuèyǔ; Jyutping: Yuet6yue5). Standard Cantonese is also known popularly as Guangdong speech (Traditional Chinese: 廣東話; Simplified Chinese: 广东话; Pinyin: Guǎngdōng huà; Jyutping: Gwong2dong1 Wa2) or as the Canton Prefecture speech (Traditional Chinese: 廣州話、廣府話; Simplified Chinese: 广州话、广府话; Pinyin: Guǎngzhōu huà, Guángfǔ huà; Jyutping: Gwong2zau1 Wa2, Gwong2fu2 Wa2).
Phonology
Like any dialect, the phonology of Standard Cantonese varies among speakers. Unlike Standard Mandarin,
there is no official agency to regulate Standard Cantonese. Below is
the phonology accepted by most scholars and educators, the one usually
heard on TV or radio in formal broadcast like news reports. Common
variations are also described.
There are about 630 different extant combinations of syllable onsets (initial consonants) and syllable rimes (remainder of the syllable), not counting tones. Some of these, such as /ɛː˨/ and /ei˨/ (欸) , /pʊŋ˨/ (埲), /kʷɪŋ˥/ (扃) are not common any more; some such as /kʷɪk˥/ and /kʷʰɪk˥/ (隙), or /kʷaːŋ˧˥/ and /kɐŋ˧˥/
(梗) which has traditionally had two equally correct pronunciations are
beginning to be pronounced with only one particular way uniformly by
its speakers (and this usually happens because the unused pronunciation is almost unique to that word alone) thus making the unused sounds effectively disappear from the language; while some such as /kʷʰɔːk˧/ (擴), /pʰuːi˥/ (胚), /jɵy˥/ (錐), /kɛː˥/ (痂) have alternative nonstandard pronunciations which have become mainstream (as /kʷʰɔːŋ˧/, /puːi˥/, /tʃɵy˥/ and /kʰɛː˥/ respectively), again making some of the sounds disappear from the everyday use of the language; and yet others such as /faːk˧/ (謋), /fɐŋ˩/ (揈), /tɐp˥/
(耷) have become popularly (but erroneously) believed to be
made-up/borrowed words to represent sounds in modern vernacular
Cantonese when they have in fact been retaining those sounds before
these vernacular usages became popular.
On the other hand, there are new words in Cantonese circulating in
Hong Kong which use sounds which never appeared in Cantonese before,
such as get1 (note: this is non standard usage as /ɛːt/ was never an accepted/valid final for sounds in Cantonese, though the final sound /ɛːt/ has appeared in vernacular Cantonese before this, /pʰɛːt˨/ - notably in describing the measure word of sticky substances such as mud, glue, chewing gum etc), the sound is borrowed from the English word gag to mean the act of amusing others by a (possibly practical) joke.
Initials
Initials (or onsets) are initial consonants of possible syllables. The following is the inventory for Standard Cantonese as represented in IPA:
| |
Labial |
Coronal |
Palatal |
Velar |
Glottal |
| plain |
sibilant |
plain |
labialized |
| Nasal |
m |
n |
|
|
ŋ |
|
|
| Stop |
plain |
p |
t |
ts |
|
k |
( kʷ ) |
( ʔ ) |
| aspirated |
pʰ |
tʰ |
tsʰ |
|
kʰ |
( kʷʰ ) |
|
| Fricative |
f |
|
s |
|
|
|
h |
| Approximant |
|
l |
|
( j ) |
|
( w ) |
|
Note the aspiration contrast and the lack of phonation contrast for stops. The sibilant affricates are grouped with the stops for compactness in displaying the chart.
Some linguists prefer to analyze /j/ and /w/ as part of finals to make them analogous to the /i/ and /u/ medials in Standard Mandarin, especially in comparative phonological studies. However, since final-heads only appear with null initial, /k/ or /kʰ/,
analyzing them as part of the initials greatly reduces the count of
finals at the cost of only adding four initials. Some linguists analyze
a /ʔ/ (glottal stop) when a vowel other than /i/, /u/ or /y/ begins a syllable.
The position of the coronals varies from dental to alveolar, with /t/ and /tʰ/ more likely to be dental. The position of the sibilants /ts/, /tsʰ/, and /s/ are usually alveolar ([ts], [tsʰ], and [s]), but can be postalveolar ([tʃ], [tʃʰ], and [ʃ]) or alveolo-palatal ([tɕ], [tɕʰ], and [ɕ]), especially before the front high vowels/iː/, /ɪ/, or /yː/.
Some native speakers cannot distinguish between /n/ and /l/, and between /ŋ/ and the null initial. Usually they pronounce only /l/ and the null initial. See the discussion on phonological shift below.
Finals
Chart of vowels used in Cantonese
Finals
(or rhymes) are the remaining part of the syllable after the initial is
taken off. There are two kinds of finals in Cantonese, depending on vowel length. The following chart lists all possible finals in Standard Cantonese as represented in IPA:
|
aː |
ɛː |
iː |
ɔː |
uː |
œː |
yː |
|
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
| -i / -y |
aːi |
ɐi |
|
ei |
|
|
ɔːi |
|
uːi |
|
|
ɵy |
|
|
| -u |
aːu |
ɐu |
ɛːu¹ |
|
iːu |
|
|
ou |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| -m |
aːm |
ɐm |
ɛːm¹ |
|
iːm |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| -n |
aːn |
ɐn |
|
|
iːn |
|
ɔːn |
|
uːn |
|
|
ɵn |
yːn |
|
| -ŋ |
aːŋ |
ɐŋ |
ɛːŋ |
|
|
ɪŋ |
ɔːŋ |
|
|
ʊŋ |
œːŋ |
|
|
|
| -p |
aːp |
ɐp |
ɛːp¹ |
|
iːp |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| -t |
aːt |
ɐt |
|
|
iːt |
|
ɔːt |
|
uːt |
|
|
ɵt |
yːt |
|
| -k |
aːk |
ɐk |
ɛːk |
|
|
ɪk |
ɔːk |
|
|
ʊk |
œːk |
|
|
|
- Syllabic nasals: [m̩] [ŋ̩]
- ¹Finals [ɛːu], [ɛːm] and [ɛːp] only appear in colloquial speech. They are absent from some analyses and romanization schemes.
Based on the chart above, the following central vowels pairs are usually considered to be allophones:
- [ɛː] - [e], [iː] - [ɪ], [ɔː] - [o], [uː] - [ʊ], and [œː] - [ɵ].
Although that satisfies the minimal pair
requirement, some linguists find it difficult to explain why the coda
affect the vowel length. They recognize the following two allophone
groups instead:
- [e] - [ɪ] and [o] - [ʊ] - [ɵ].
In that way, the phoneme set consists of seven long central vowels
and three short central vowels that are in contrast with three of the
long vowels, as presented in the following chart:
|
aː |
ɔː |
ɛː |
iː |
uː |
œː |
yː |
|
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Short |
Long |
Long |
Long |
Long |
| -i / -y |
aːi |
ɐi |
ɔːi |
ɵy |
|
ei |
|
uːi |
|
|
| -u |
aːu |
ɐu |
|
ou |
|
|
iːu |
|
|
|
| -m |
aːm |
ɐm |
|
|
|
|
iːm |
|
|
|
| -n |
aːn |
ɐn |
ɔːn |
ɵn |
|
|
iːn |
uːn |
|
yːn |
| -ŋ |
aːŋ |
ɐŋ |
ɔːŋ |
ʊŋ |
ɛːŋ |
ɪŋ |
|
|
œːŋ |
|
| -p |
aːp |
ɐp |
|
|
|
|
iːp |
|
|
|
| -t |
aːt |
ɐt |
ɔːt |
ɵt |
|
|
iːt |
uːt |
|
yːt |
| -k |
aːk |
ɐk |
ɔːk |
ʊk |
ɛːk |
ɪk |
|
|
œːk |
|
- Syllabic nasals: [m̩] [ŋ̩]
Tones
Standard Cantonese has nine tones in six distinct tone contours.
| Tone name |
Yin Ping
(陰平) |
Yin Shang
(陰上) |
Yin Qu
(陰去) |
Yang Ping
(陽平) |
Yang Shang
(陽上) |
Yang Qu
(陽去) |
Shang
Yin Ru
(上陰入) |
Xia
Yin Ru
(下陰入) |
Yang Ru
(陽入) |
| Contour |
˥ / ˥˧ |
˧˥ |
˧ |
˨˩ / ˩ |
˩˧ |
˨ |
˥ |
˧ |
˨ |
| Description |
high level /
high falling |
medium rising |
medium level |
low falling /
very low level |
low rising |
low level |
high level |
medium level |
low level |
| Number |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 (1) |
8 (3) |
9 (6) |
| Examples |
詩 |
史 |
試 |
時 |
市 |
是 |
識 |
no character |
食 |
| Romanisation (Yale) |
sī or sì |
sí |
si |
sīh or sìh |
síh |
sih |
sīk |
sik |
sihk |
For purposes of meters in Chinese poetry, the first and fourth tones are traditionally grouped in the "flat category" (平聲), while the rest are "oblique" (仄聲).
In Hong Kong, the first tone can be either high level or high
falling without affecting the meaning of the words being spoken. Most
Hong Kong speakers are in general not consciously aware of when they
use and when to use high level and high falling. In Guangzhou the high
falling tone is more usual.
The numbers "394052786" when pronounced in Cantonese, will give the nine tones in order (Romanisation (Yale) saam1, gau2, sei3, ling4, ng5, yi6, chat7, baat8, luk9), thus giving a good mnemonic for remembering the nine tones.
It is interesting to note that there are not actually more tone levels in Standard Cantonese than in Standard Mandarin
(three if one excludes the Cantonese low falling tone, which begins on
the third level and needs somewhere to fall), only Cantonese has a more
complete set of tone courses.
Standard Cantonese mostly preserves the tones in Middle Chinese in the manner shown in the chart below.
| Middle Chinese |
Standard Cantonese |
| Tone |
Initial |
Central Vowel |
Tone Name |
Tone Contour |
Tone Number |
| Ping |
V− |
|
Yin Ping |
˥ / ˥˧ |
1 |
| V+ |
Yang Ping |
˨˩ / ˩ |
4 |
| Shang |
V− |
Yin Shang |
˧˥ |
2 |
| V+ |
Yang Shang |
˩˧ |
5 |
| Qu |
V− |
Yin Qu |
˧ |
3 |
| V+ |
Yang Qu |
˨ |
6 |
| Ru |
V− |
Short |
Shang Yin Ru |
˥ |
7 (1) |
| Long |
Xia Yin Ru |
˧ |
8 (3) |
| V+ |
|
Yang Ru |
˨ |
9 (6) |
V− = voiceless initial consonant, V+ = voiced initial consonant. The
voice distinction was found in Middle Chinese and has been lost in
Cantonese, preserved only by tone differences.
Phonological shifts
Like other languages, Cantonese is constantly undergoing sound changes, processes where more and more native speakers of a language change the pronunciations of certain sounds.
Previous Shifts
One shift that affected Cantonese in the past was the loss of
distinction between the alveolar and the alveolo-palatal (sometimes
pronounced as postalveolar) sibilants, which occurred during the late
19th and early 20th centuries. This distinction was documented in many
Cantonese dictionaries and pronunciation guides published prior to the
1950s but is no longer distinguished in any modern Cantonese dictionary.
Publications that documented this distinction include:
- Williams, S., A Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese Language in the Canton Dialect, 1856.
- Cowles, R., A Pocket Dictionary of Cantonese, 1914.
- Meyer, B. and Wempe, T., The Student's Cantonese-English Dictionary, 3rd edition, 1947.
- Chao, Y.Cantonese Primer, 1947.
The depalatalization of sibilants caused many words that were once
distinct to sound the same. For comparison, this distinction is still
made in modern Standard Mandarin, with the old alveolo-palatal
sibilants in Cantonese corresponding to the retroflex sibilants in Mandarin. For instance:
| Sibilant Category |
Character |
Modern Cantonese |
Old Cantonese |
Standard Mandarin |
| Unaspirated affricate |
將 |
/tsœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/tsœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/tɕiɑŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
| 張 |
/tɕœːŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
/tʂɑŋ/ (retroflex) |
| Aspirated affricate |
槍 |
/tʰsœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/tsʰœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/tɕʰiɑŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
| 昌 |
/tɕʰœːŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
/tʂʰɑŋ/ (retroflex) |
| Fricative |
相 |
/sœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/sœːŋ/ (alveolar) |
/ɕiɑŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
| 傷> |
/ɕœːŋ/ (alveolo-palatal) |
/ʂɑŋ/ (retroflex) |
Even though the aforementioned references observed the distinction,
most of them also noted that the depalatalization phenomenon was
already occurring at the time. Williams (1856) writes:
- The initials ch and ts are constantly confounded,
and some persons are absolutely unable to detect the difference, more
frequently calling the words under ts as ch, than contrariwise.
Cowles (1914) adds:
- "s" initial may be heard for "sh" initial and vice versa.
A vestige of this palatalization difference is sometimes reflected in the romanization scheme used to romanize Cantonese names in Hong Kong. For instance, many names will be spelled with sh even though the "sh sound" (/ɕ/) is no longer used to pronounce the word. Examples include the surname 石 (/sɛːk˨/), which is often romanized as Shek, and the names of places like Sha Tin (沙田; /saː˥ tʰiːn˩/).
After the shift was complete, even though the alveolo-palatal
sibilants were no longer distinguished, they still continue to occur in
complementary distribution with the alveolar sibilants, making the two groups of sibilants allophones. Thus, most modern Cantonese speakers will pronounce the alveolar sibilants unless the following vowel is /iː/, /i/, or /y/, in which case the alveolo-palatal (or postalveolar) is pronounced. Canton romanization attempts to reflect this phenomenon in its romanization scheme, even though most current Cantonese romanization schemes don't.
The alveolo-palatal sibilants occur in complementary distribution
with the retroflex sibilants in Mandarin as well, with the
alveolo-palatal sibilants only occurring before /i/, or /y/. However, Mandarin also retains the medials, where /i/ and /y/
can occur, as can be seen in the examples above. Cantonese had lost its
medials sometime ago in its history, reducing the ability for speakers
to distinguish its sibilant initials.
Current shifts
-
Main article: Hong Kong Cantonese
In modern-day Hong Kong, many younger native speakers are unable to
distinguish between certain phoneme pairs and merge one sound into
another. Although that is often considered as substandard and is
denounced as being "lazy sounds" (懶音), it is becoming more common and
is influencing other Cantonese-speaking regions.
Romanization
There are several major romanization schemes for Cantonese: Barnett-Chao, Meyer-Wempe, the Chinese government's Guangdong romanization and Yale. While they do not differ greatly, Yale is the one most commonly seen in the west today. The Hong Kong linguist Sidney Lau
modified the Yale system for his popular Cantonese-as-a-second-language
course, so that is another system used today by contemporary Cantonese
learners.
Early Western effort
Systematic efforts to develop an alphabetic representation of
Cantonese pronunciation began with the arrival of Protestant
missionaries in China early in the nineteenth century. Romanization was
considered both a tool to help new missionaries learn the dialect more
easily and a quick route for the unlettered to achieve gospel literacy.
Earlier Catholic missionaries, mostly Portuguese, had developed
romanization schemes for the pronunciation current in the court and
capitol city of China but made few efforts at romanizing other dialects.
Robert Morrison, the first Protestant missionary in China published a "Vocabulary of the Canton Dialect" (1828) with a rather unsystematic romanized pronunciation. Elijah Coleman Bridgman and Samuel Wells Williams
in their "Chinese Chrestomathy in the Canton Dialect" (1841) were the
progenitors of a long-lived lineage of related romanizations with minor
variations embodied in the works of James Dyer Ball, Ernest John Eitel, and Immanuel Gottlieb Genăhr (1910). Bridgman and Williams based their system on the phonetic alphabet and diacritics proposed by Sir William Jones
for South Asian languages. Their romanization system embodied the
phonological system in a local dialect rhyme dictionary, the Fenyun
cuoyao, which was widely used and easily available at the time and is
still available today. Samuel Wells Willams' Tonic Dictionary of the Chinese Language in the Canton Dialect
(Yinghua fenyun cuoyao 1856), is an alphabetic rearrangement,
translation and annotation of the Fenyun. In order to adapt the system
to the needs of users at a time when there were only local variants and
no standard -- although the speech of the western suburbs, xiguan, of
Guangzhou was the prestige variety at the time -- Williams suggested
that users learn and follow their teacher's pronunciation of his chart
of Cantonese syllables. It was apparently Bridgman's innovation to mark
the tones with an open circles (upper register tones) or an underlined
open circle (lower register tones) at the four corners of the romanized
word in analogy with the traditional Chinese system of marking the tone
of a character with a circle (lower left for "even," upper left for
"rising," upper right for "going," and lower right for "entering"
tones). John Chalmers,
in his "English and Cantonese pocket-dictionary" (1859) simplified the
marking of tones using the acute accent to mark "rising" tones and the
grave to mark "going" tones and no diacritic for "even" tones and
marking upper register tones by italics (or underlining in handwritten
work). "Entering" tones could be distinguished by their consonantal
ending. Nicholas Belfeld Dennys
used Chalmers romanization in his primer. This method of marking tones
was adopted in the Yale romanization (with low register tones marked
with an 'h'). A new romanization was developed in the first decade of
the twentieth century which eliminated the diacritics on vowels by
distinguishing vowel quality by spelling differences (e.g. a/aa, o/oh).
Diacritics were used only for marking tones. The name of Tipson is
associated with this new romanization which still embodied the
phonology of the Fenyun to some extent. It is the system used in
Meyer-Wempe and Cowles' dictionaries and O'Melia's textbook and many
other works in the first half of the twentieth century. It was the
standard romanization until the Yale system supplanted it. The
distinguished linguist, Y. R. Chao developed a Cantonese adaptation of
his Gwoyeu romanization system which he used in his "Cantonese Primer."
The front matter to this book contains a review and comparison of a
number of the systems mentioned in this paragraph. The GR system was
not widely used.
Cantonese research in Hong Kong
An influential work on Cantonese, A Chinese Syllabary Pronounced According to the Dialect of Canton, written by Wong Shik Ling, was published in 1941. He derived IPA based transcription system on Cantonese, S. L. Wong system
and many Chinese dictionaries published later in Hong Kong was based on
the transcription. Althought Wong also derived a romanisation scheme,
also known as S. L. Wong system, it is not widely used as his transcription system.
The one advocated by the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong (LSHK) is called jyutping,
which solves many of the inconsistencies and problems of the older,
favored, and more familiar system of Yale Romanization, but departs
considerably from it in a number of ways unfamiliar to Yale users. The
phonetic values of letters are not quite familiar to whom had studied
English. Some effort has been undertaken to promote jyutping, with some
official supports, but it is too early to tell how successful it is.
Another popular scheme is Standard Cantonese Pinyin Schemes, which is the only romanization system accepted by Hong Kong Education and Manpower Bureau and Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority.
Books and studies for teachers and students in primary and secondary
schools usually use this scheme. But there is quite a lot teachers and
students using the transcription system of S. L. Wong.
However, learners may feel frustrated that most native Cantonese
speakers, no matter how educated they are, really are not familiar with
any romanization system. Apparently, there is no motive for local
people to learn any of these systems. The romanization systems are not
included in the education system either in Hong Kong or in Guangdong
province. In practice, Hong Kong people follow a loose unnamed
romanisation scheme used by the Hong Kong Government. See Hong Kong Government Cantonese Romanisation for details.
Written Cantonese
-
Main article: Written Cantonese
Cantonese is usually referred to as a spoken dialect, and not as a
written dialect. Spoken vernacular Cantonese differs from modern
written Chinese, which is essentially formal Standard Mandarin
in written form. Written Chinese spoken word for word sounds overly
formal and distant in Cantonese. As a result, the necessity of having a
written script which matched the spoken form increased over time. This
resulted in the creation of additional Chinese characters to complement
the existing characters. Many of these represent phonological sounds
not present in Mandarin. A good source for well documented Cantonese
words can be found in drama and opera (大戲 daai hei)
scripts. Written Cantonese is largely incomprehensible to non-Cantonese
speakers because written Cantonese is based on spoken Cantonese which
is different from Standard Mandarin in grammar and vocabulary.
"Readings in Cantonese colloquial: being selections from books in
the Cantonese vernacular with free and literal translations of the
Chinese character and romanized spelling" (1894) by James Dyer Ball has
a bibliography of works available in Cantonese characters in the last
decade of the nineteenth century. A few libraries have collections of
so-called "wooden fish books" written in Cantonese character.
Facsimiles and plot precis of a few of these have been published in
Wolfram Eberhard's "Cantonese Ballads." See also "Cantonese love-songs,
translated with introduction and notes by Cecil Clementi" (1904) or a
newer translation of these Yue Ou in "Cantonese love songs : an
English translation of Jiu Ji-yung's Cantonese songs of the early 19th
century" (1992). Cantonese character versions of the Bible, Pilgrims
Progress, and Peep of Day as well as simple catechisms were published
by mission presses. The special Cantonese characters used in all these
was not standardized and shows wide variation.
With the advent of the computer and standardization of character
sets specifically for Cantonese, many printed materials in
predominantly Cantonese speaking areas of the world are written to
cater to their population with these written Cantonese characters. As a
result, mainstream media such as newspapers and magazines have become
progressively less conservative and more colloquial in their
dissemination of ideas. Generally speaking, some of the older
generation of Cantonese speakers regard this trend as a step
"backwards" and away from tradition. This tension between the "old" and
"new" is a reflection of a transition that is being undergone by the
Cantonese speaking population.
Cultural role
China has numerous regional and local varieties of spoken Chinese,
many of which are mutually unintelligible; most of these are rarely
used or heard outside their native areas, and are not used in
education, formal purposes, or in the media. Regional/local dialects
(including Cantonese) in mainland China and Taiwan tend to be used
primarily between relatives and friends in informal situations, with Standard Mandarin
being used for formal purposes, in the media, and as the language of
education. Even though the majority of Cantonese speakers live in
mainland China, due to the linguistic history of Hong Kong and Macau, as well as its use in many overseas Chinese
communities, the use of Standard Cantonese has spread from Guangdong
far out of proportion to its relatively small number of speakers in
China.
As the majority of Hong Kong and Macau people and/or their ancestors emigrated from Guangdong before the widespread use of Standard Mandarin,
Cantonese became the usual spoken variety of Chinese in Hong Kong and
Macau. Cantonese is the only Chinese variety to be used in official
contexts other than Standard Mandarin, which is the official language
of both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China.
Also because of its use by non-Mandarin speaking Cantonese speakers
overseas, Cantonese is one of the primary forms of Chinese that many
Westerners come into contact with. However, the importance of Cantonese
as a lingua franca in North America has decreased in recent years, with the advent of Mandarin.[1]
Along with Mandarin and Taiwanese, Cantonese is also one of the few Chinese spoken varieties which has its own popular music (Cantopop).
The prevalence of Hong Kong's popular culture has spurred some Chinese
in other regions to learn Cantonese, unique among the varieties of
Chinese in the sense that most Chinese who learn a non-native
regional/local dialect do so as a result of long-term residence in that
area.
The contrast is especially clear with other Chinese varieties, such as Wu. Wu has more speakers than Yue (the wider group under which Cantonese is located), it is spoken in an area that is approximately equally wealthy, and Shanghainese, one of the prestige dialects of Wu, is spoken in Shanghai,
arguably the economic center of Mainland China. However, Shanghainese
is not used in official contexts, Shanghainese does not have a form of
popular music, and is virtually unknown in the West. This is because
usage of Shanghainese is discouraged by the government, and is banned
in schools.[2]
In addition, virtually all Shanghai people can speak Standard Mandarin
and use Shanghainese only with other Shanghainese speakers. Therefore,
Shanghainese is rarely used outside of the city. This applies to many
local varieties of Chinese. Hong Kong people do not speak Standard
Mandarin and continue to use Cantonese as the only spoken form of
Chinese. However, spurred on by the success of Cantonese, some Wu
speakers have begun to promote their mother tongue.
Some teachers in Guangdong continue to teach in Cantonese, as most
Cantonese feel affinity with their own language much more than they do
Mandarin Chinese, though doing so is against the national language
policy. It has even caused some dissatisfaction amongst immigrants from
other provinces who usually do not speak Cantonese[citation needed].
Loanwords
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Main article: Hong Kong Cantonese
Life in Hong Kong is characterised by the blending of Asian (mainly south Chinese)
and Western influences, as well as the status of the city as a major
international business centre. Influences from this territory are
widespread in foreign cultures. As a results, many loanwords are created and exported to China, Taiwan and Singapore.
Some of the loanwords are even more popular than their Chinese
counterparts. At the same time, some new words created are vividly
borrowed by other languages as well.
Cantonese versus Mandarin in Hong Kong and Singapore
The so-called "Battle between Cantonese and Mandarin" started in
Hong Kong in the mid-1980s when a large number of non-Cantonese
speaking mainland Chinese people started crossing the border into Hong
Kong during Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. At that time, Hong Kong and Macau were still under British and Portuguese
rules respectively, and Mandarin was not often heard in those
territories. Businesspeople from the mainland and the colonies who did
not share a common language shared a mutual dislike and distrust of one
another, and in magazines in China in the mid-1980s, they would publish
polemics against the other's language - thus Cantonese became known on
the mainland as "British Chinese" - and Mandarin became known as "流氓話
Lau Men Waa" - literally "outlaw speech" - in the colonies.
In Singapore the government has had a Speak Mandarin Campaign (SMC) which seeks to actively promote the use of Standard Mandarin Chinese instead of Chinese dialects, such as Hokkien (45% of the Chinese population), Teochew (22.5%), Cantonese (16%), Hakka (7%) and Hainanese.
This was seen as a way of creating greater cohesion among the ethnic
Chinese. In addition to positive promotion of Mandarin, the campaign
also includes active attempts to dissuade people from using Chinese
dialects. Mostly notably, the use of dialects in local broadcast media
is banned, and access to foreign media in dialect is limited. Some
believe that the Singaporean Government has gone too far in its
endeavour. Some Taiwanese songs in some Taiwanese entertainment
programmes have been singled out and censored. Japanese and Korean
drama series are available in their original languages on TV to the
viewers, but Hong Kong drama series on non-cable TV channels are always
dubbed in Mandarin and broadcast in Singapore without their original
Cantonese soundtrack. Some Cantonese speakers in Singapore feel the
dubbing causes the series to sound very unnatural and lose much of its
flavour.
An offshoot of SMC is the Pinyinisation of certain terms which originated from southern Chinese languages. For instance, dim sum is often known as dianxin in Singapore's English language media, though this is largely a matter of style, and most Singaporeans will refer to dim sum
when speaking English. Another result of SMC is that most young
Singaporeans from Cantonese speaking families are unable to understand
or speak Cantonese. The situation is very different in nearby Malaysia,
where even most non-Cantonese speaking Chinese can understand the
dialect to a certain extent through exposure to the language.
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